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:: welcome to NINOMANIA:: A constitutional law blog by Scalia/Thomas fan David M. Wagner, M.A., J.D., Research Fellow, National Legal Foundation, and Teacher, Veritas Preparatory Academy. Opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not reflect those of the NLF or Veritas. :: bloghome | E-mail me :: | ||||
:: Wednesday, December 27, 2006 ::
"Finally, the article questions the critics' premise that when religious and professional expectations do conflict, religious expectations are necessarily better." -- Prof. Bruce A. Green, Fordham University School of Law :: David M. Wagner 3:09 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 4:50 PM [+] :: ... Prof. Wagner,Ummm, actually, the rule is that a criminal statute that is otherwise silent as to intent should not be read as imposing strict liability AS LONG AS it was a crime known to the Common Law. Have another look at Morrissette. Do we need to know MPC Section 204? I don't think we talked about it in class, but I'm not sure, and it's very confusing.I don't (at least not by section number), so I don't see how I could expect you to! Otoh, if 204 refers to a concept that we talked about in class, you may need to know that concept. :: David M. Wagner 12:10 PM [+] :: ... Professor Wagner~In general, no case names. The exceptions would be those few rules that we covered that are known by their case name (e.g. the "Redline rule," the "M'Naghten test"). There weren't many of those. Prof. Wagner:They're accomplices to the crimes they did not directly commit. Remember, we're doing without "degrees" of complicity. (Of murder, yes; but not of complicity). If I get more, I'll answer them. :: David M. Wagner 3:32 PM [+] :: ... To which judges should say: Well, if 18th century Common Law didn't 'settle them definitively,' then neither will we. Back to the legislature with you! But what judges probably will do is to take up Prof. Meyler's invitation to be "be responsive to certain alterations in external conditions, rather than static and inflexible." (This despite the fact that the invitation may well be addressed by Prof. Meyler to all who have to interpret the Common Law, and not only to judges.) :: David M. Wagner 1:31 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:49 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:47 PM [+] :: ... Also, the recent success of the marriage amendment in Virginia may have had a paradoxical effect. Until then, a holding such as the the Court of Appeals has handed down might have implied legal recognition by Virginia of same-sex relationships in some form. The new amendment cuts off that potential collateral meaning, so the Virginia court was freer than before to defer to Vermont. :: David M. Wagner 4:45 PM [+] :: ... The next day's write-up in The Yale Daily News suggests that many students were favorably impressed. In the speech, he made one point that I have not heard him make off the bench before (though it's in his Casey dissent): that, while ideologically polarized judicial confirmations are regrettable, they are inevitable -- and even appropriate! -- as long as the Court conceives its business to be the writing of a new Constitution every day, or at least, whenever a novel but fashionable new rights-claim is made. The American people aren't fools, as he said in the Casey dissent and again at Yale, and they have naturally realized that if the Constitution is continually rewritten by the Court, their only bite at the lawmaking apple is the confirmation process, with their Senators representing them. To my surprise and relief, even the most hostile questioners did not assume that originalism means restoring the status quo of 1787, in every detail, through judicial action. That's a common view in -- if not the liberal blogosphere -- then at least the liberal blog comment-o-sphere. I guess either people so, um, rudimentary in their understanding still don't get into Yale, or they do but they avoid the danger (with which Yale, thanks to its prestige, can still present them) of hearing a contrary argument straight from its foremost proponent. No, the hostile questions and opposing speeches, most of which were quite intelligent, all pointed to problems with originalism. But Scalia had prepared for this: the final point in his speech was that originalism does have problems, but that all alternatives to it have even more problems, beginning with the fundamental problem of legitimacy. The next morning, Scalia spoke at the Yale Law School. I was not there, but it was live-blogged here. Much of the same material as the evening before -- but note the frank discussion of how he and Thomas disagree over the scope of stare decisis. (Clearly the context here is the Commerce Clause: there's no disagreement between them over the stare-decisis nullity of, say, Roe.) :: David M. Wagner 2:41 PM [+] :: ... When I get back I may be able to post about the former, and, since it's a public event, the latter too. :: David M. Wagner 8:10 AM [+] :: ... The text in question says: “All persons are by nature free and independent, and have certain natural and unalienable rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness.”Says Ed: Based on this provision, and on previous judicial decisions construing it, the New Jersey Supreme Court has just ruled (unanimously) that all the rights and benefits of marriage need to be made available to same-sex couples. This is, simply put, judicial activism run amok, even if it reflects the gradual judicial accretion of power over some decades. So many judges today view judicial decisionmaking as essentially an autonomous process, unmoored from the meaning of the actual text. Not a single justice on the New Jersey Supreme Court did a simple sanity check: Is it remotely plausible, remotely compatible with democratic principles, to read this constitutional provision as supporting the court’s result? One could, with equal implausibility, maintain that the Declaration of Independence declares that the rights and benefits of marriage must be extended to same-sex couples.And that's comin' up down the road. This is one reason why I cringe just a little when my West Coast Straussian friends (among whom I number the editors of the fantabulous, rockin', you-all-should-use-it casebook that I use) tell us not to worry 'cause constitutional interpretation is rightly controlled by the good ol' Declaration. :: David M. Wagner 9:52 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 9:33 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 3:33 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 1:31 AM [+] :: ... * Citizens for Responsible Behavior v. Superior Court, 1 Cal.App.4th 1013 (1991) Drat that irresponsibly behaving Superior Court! Join me, Citizens! * Knight v. Superior Court, 128 Cal.App.4th 14 (2005) Avaunt, thou scurvy court: I will joust with thee! :: David M. Wagner 12:05 AM [+] :: ... Just in time, The American Prospect, reviewing Mark Graber's new book on Dred Scott, critiques "a romanticized view of legislatures as being better able to resolve difficult social questions than courts." Yes, the Ninomaniac -- last of the romantics. :: David M. Wagner 12:00 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 12:50 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:30 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:58 AM [+] :: ... So notes Eugene Volokh at the Conspiracy, with appropriate links and comments. In Con Law II this morning we touched on how direct application of the 14th Amendment to individuals, by-passing the state action requirement, could have totalitarian implications. This suit may be an example. :: David M. Wagner 10:59 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:52 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 9:05 PM [+] :: ... The only fact that makes it "mini" is that the seized property remains in government hands, making the "public use" factor a mite bet less of a laugh than it was in Kelo. Alexandria needs a drainage culvert, and it seized the Hoffmanns' land to serve as one. Problem is, this will actually be a smaller and less effective culvert than the one previously used -- and the reason the old one will no longer be used is that a private developer wishes to build on it. If that isn't a taking for a strictly private use, it'll do until one comes along -- as it did in Kelo. :: David M. Wagner 8:57 PM [+] :: ... Trying to grasp just what we are getting at in class on the topic of mens rea.Yes: the accurate meaning of "ignorance of the law is no excuse" is not that all are presumed to know the entire law, but rather that knowledge of illegality is not ordinarily an element of the crime. And what does "not ordinarily" mean? It means that the legislature can make knowledge of illegality an element, but will not be presumed to have done so if that statute doesn't say so. And when does a statute say so? Well, mens rea terms such as "knowingly" or "willfully" are enough to raise the issue.... :: David M. Wagner 1:09 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:09 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 7:17 PM [+] :: ... Maybe it's because I'm prepping the glorious Smith decision again for teaching tomorrow, but my blood is up about people -- and I mean folks who are in some cognizable sense "my" people -- using their faith as a shield against the normal rules that normal people have to live by. Writing on WorldNetDaily here, Judge Roy Moore claims that Navy chaplain Lt. Gordon J. Klingenschmitt is "is being tried before a special court-martial for his public opposition to the new Navy policy prohibiting chaplains from praying in the name of Jesus during certain command functions." But as WorldNetDaily more accurately reports here, Lt. Klingenschmitt was actually up (and was convicted today) on a charge of disobeying a direct order "not to wear his uniform during media appearances without permission, unless he was conducting a "'bona fide worship service.'" We don't even have to get into the claim that the press conference/protest meeting that he attended in uniform, contrary to orders, was actually a "worship service." It was obviously no such thing within the ordinary meaning of that term as used by the vast majority of Americans, but we can let that pass for now -- because the only thing Lt. Klingenschmitt was convicted of was disobeying an order concerning how he dressed, which of course is well within the authority of his military superiors. He was subjected to no prohibition on prayer whatsoever, nor on praying in the name of Anybody in particular; only on what he could wear while doing so. And even as to that, he was free to choose anything from white tie to beach jammies -- just not his uniform. Now, maybe this was the first court-martial in a gazillion years for disobeying an order not to wear the uniform on a particular occasion, in which case maybe we're seeing a discriminatory prosecutorial choice. I don't know, and it would be hard to prove. But if that's what Lt. Klingenschmitt's supporters think is going on, then that's what they should complain about, as distinct from what they are complaining about. He was not on trial for praying, nor for his "public opposition" to the Navy's latest lamebrained policy: he was on trial for disobeying an order concerning his uniform. Get some perspective, Christian activists. Don't make everything a martyr-story. We'll have enough of those coming soon enough; don't make it worse by crying wolf now. :: David M. Wagner 9:35 PM [+] :: ... You know, Wisconsin v. Yoder has got to be the worst decision ever to reach the right result. It expanded the educational rights of parents, but only if they're Amish, or Amish-like; and in so doing, it recognized a "state interest" in "combatting ignorance," which had never been recognized before. With victories like this, who needs defeats? Meanwhile, news on D.C. Circuit nominee Peter Keisler: * Sen. Kyl says he'll be confirmed this fall. * Two senators who should be helping and not hindering -- Grassley, and, of all people, Sessions -- may be holding up Keisler over a scruple about the number of judges on the D.C. Circuit. (Keisler would be #11; the court is authorized to have twelve, and Judge Rogers may be about to take senior status.) * Legal Times tells Keisler's story, keyed to the Judiciary Committee hearing he had back on August 1. :: David M. Wagner 10:37 PM [+] :: ... * The ABA says presidential signing statements are unconstitutional. That is -- umm, is it OK to talk about the ABA? I -- umm, well, I don't agree, any more than any President or OLC of either party ever has. It boils down to, does enforcing the law (the core Executive Branch mandate) ever involve interpreting it? Of course it does. A signing statement is just a heads-up on the probable (not definite) direction of executive interpretation of the law in question. As for Congress conferring standing on itself by statute to challenge signing statements: first, Congress can't do that if standing is a constitutional requirement ("case or controversy") rather than just a judicial docket-management device. Besides, what relief would Congress ask for -- an injunction to the President to enforce the law differently than he said he would in his signing statement? Congress retains its law-making powers, you know. Reconceptualizing itself as a plaintiff and invoking the equity jurisdiction of the federal courts strikes me as a bizarre alternative to simply passing a new law. * A U.S. District Judge has just ruled the Administration's NSA "eavesdropping" plan unconstitutional. I'll probably disagree with the holding when I read it, but I'll say this -- it's nice to have a country with courts in which the government can lose. :: David M. Wagner 12:47 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 6:50 PM [+] :: ... Judge Bridge's dissent claims that gay marriage will ultimately be on the books and that this court will be criticized for having failed to overturn DOMA. But, while same-sex marriage may be the law at a future time, it will be because the people declare it to be, and not because five members of this court have dictated it.Take that, "Justice Marshall delivered the opinion of the court" of Massachusetts! :: David M. Wagner 3:08 PM [+] :: ... The first few grafs of my piece are here. For the rest, you need to subscribe. And you should. :: David M. Wagner 2:23 PM [+] :: ... The Ralph McInerny Center for Thomistic Studies will be holding its second conference, on Natural Law Today, on Friday, July 14, from 1:00 to 4:45 p.m., in the Russell Senate Office Building, Room 385. The conference is free and open to the public. :: David M. Wagner 2:00 PM [+] :: ... Maggie Gallagher has often argued that to support same-sex marriage, one must deny either that straight sex has a much higher likelihood of leading to babies than does gay sex, or that children need both a mother and a father. (Her debating opponents often validate this observation by proceeding to deny the second proposition.) This is relevant to the rational-basis portion of the New York opinion, which holds that a rational legislature could hold both those propositions, in which case extending marriage to opposite-sex but not same-sex couples, in the interest of children, easily clears the r.b. threshold. The court also (in both the plurality and the concurring opinions) addresses Loving v. Va. in a very thorough way. Loving was mainly about race, and the "right to marry" that it announced dissolves state-imposed restrictions on marital choice only insofar as those restrictions are based on race. This reading of Loving is bolstered by its own text, and also by the terms of the U.S. Supreme Court's denial of cert. in an early ssm case. The dissent relies on the U.S.S.Ct's revisionist reading of Loving in Zablocki v. Redhail, which (a) was about divorce, not ssm, and (b) is an outlier anyway; see Sosna v. Iowa. The dissent also quoted from the NAACP's amicus brief -- not from authorities cited in the brief, but the brief itself, as though the NAACP somehow "owns" Loving and can authoritatively float revisionist readings of it. (The NAACP may not be speaking for many of its constituents, if this lament by the Rev. Al Sharpton is factually accurate.) If I may do some ssp here, I've written about the Loving analogy in: David M. Wagner, Marriage and Banking: Examining Miscegenation Laws to Test the Proposition that Loving v. Virginia Leads to Goodridge v. Department of Public Health, 7 Fl.Coastal L.Rev. 389 (2005). :: David M. Wagner 1:31 PM [+] :: ... May comment further, may not. The least one can say is that the "march of history" argument for ssm is looking thinner. :: David M. Wagner 5:16 PM [+] :: ... Check this out: I'm against the flag protection amendment! It's not that I'm as confident as Justice Scalia is that Texas v. Johnson, which he joined and has often publicly defended, is correct: I accept that its fact pattern isn't O'Brien, and that the Texas law imposed a direct rather than an indirect burden on expressive conduct -- but then, I've never been persuaded that "speech," "press," or any other term in the First Amendment (emphatically including "religion," which is clearly a term of limitation within the Free Exercise Clause) affords general protection to any conduct that can plausibly be termed "expressive." The reasoning of Johnson puts at risk the principle of states' and localities' "contra bonos mores" power, which Scalia defended in his Barnes v. Glen Theater concurrence, and of course his Lawrence dissent. However, the effort to undo Johnson by amendment is disturbing for two reasons: 1. If the flag amendment ever did become part of the Constitution, it would set a risky precedent: what else will be disovered to be too "sacred" to be abandoned to the First Amendment? We live in an age of "political correctness," remember? If we get into the habit of putting offendedness-preventing clauses into the Constitution, what will future ones look like? 2. It trivializes the amendment process. It's purely symbolic, and everyone knows that. Not so with the marriage protection amendment: loss of the publicly available concept of marriage -- I should say, further loss of it -- would do much more than symbolic harm. But when a Republican-controlled Senate debates these two amendments in one summer, the impression naturally arises that neither is anything more than rightwing pandering. Which, in the minds of some Senators, it may be. But not in reality. 3. Consequently, while I don't find much to agree with in this Christopher Hitchens column (well-written, as always), I do like this part: You may believe if you choose that Hillary Clinton has abruptly decided to stand between her country's star-spangled banner and its unsleeping enemies. I cannot quite shake the feeling that she is instead putting the flag between herself and her potential critics. Is it this kind of degraded election-year parody that the sponsors of the proposal seriously wanted to encourage? In Iraq, our most desperate field of battle, our troops do not display the flag on patrol because they are in someone else's country. No thinking soldier needs to have this explained to him, or her. But in Washington, the alleged "defense" of the flag depends, for its swing-votes, on people whose very stock-in-trade is cowardice. That ought never to have happened, and is an insult to those who serve, and ought not be permitted to happen again. :: David M. Wagner 6:12 PM [+] :: ... Webb is getting so testy -- and so inclined to flak his concededly stellar military record for political gain -- that the Allen campaign is promoting press attention to Webb's latest press release. :: David M. Wagner 8:53 PM [+] :: ... Practically, it may not make too much difference in the short run. For one thing, the President could seek a legislative fix from Congress, as Breyer pointed out; though if Breyer had in mind recent prognostications of an imminent Democratic Congress, then his just-go-to-Congress line was rather snarky. Moreover, the President could reconfigure the military commissions so that they are either exactly like courts-martial, or so that they are marginally more like them then they presently are, along with a formal presidential finding that exact parity with courts-martial is not "practicable." The lack of such a statement, and Justice Thomas's reliance on DOD press statements to show the "non-practicability" of court-martial-like procedures, cost the pro-President side some points here. No doubt all remembered the scorn that Justice Jackson, concurring in Youngstown, heaped on "unadjudicated, self-serving statements" by the Executive Branch ("even when the author was oneself.") Obviously, presidential statements can't come pre-adjudicated, and they'll always be vulnerable to a perception that they're "self-serving," but the more formal they are, and the more congressional notice is involved, the better. But the real harm in the Hamdan decisions is that, as I think all the dissenters pointed out, the Court brazenly sets itself up as the final arbiter of "military necessity." The consequences might be nil, or they might be revolutionary. We'll get some idea of which, the first time someone with standing sues for an injunction against a presidential war order. Imagine the Baker v. Carr of war: while presidential orders under his commander-in-chief powers have traditionally been viewed as nonjusticiable, we hold today that manageable standards exist in our Equal Protection jurisprudence, such that for outmoded, Federalist-Papers-based notions such as energy of the executive, we can now substitute the teamwork of activist lawyers and progressive judges in the managent of American military policy.... :: David M. Wagner 11:59 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:51 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 2:41 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:44 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:16 AM [+] :: ... 1. The controlling opinion will be written by Stevens, for the reasons given at SCOTUSblog here. 2. It will be badly splintered. 3. It will uphold military tribunals as a general matter, but will subject them to Due Process standards that will be determinable only by future SCOTUS decisionmaking. 4. Those standards will be linked in some way to Geneva Common Article 3 (see SCOTUSblog's prediction here), which arguably is less incongruous than basing them on Mathews v. Eldridge, as the Court did in Hamdi, but will nonetheless be vague, and will leave doors open to the further direct application of international law by the Court, without implementing legislation from Congress. 5. Scalia will file a yummy dissent on that point. :: David M. Wagner 9:33 AM [+] :: ... OK, I'm not really qualified to comment on those parts of the controlling opinion that are based strictly on the Voting Rights Act. I'll note only that the Chief, dissenting on the VRA parts of the opinion, and joined by Justice Alito, flatly accuses the majority of misreading the District Court opinion under review, and of holding that district lines that are otherwise minority-advantageous violate the VRA because they are deficient on "style points" (Roberts's words.) Fun end-of-term stuff, and rather far from the Marshallian consensus-building of Roberts's first few weeks in office! Bottom line, politics dep't: District 25 will have to be tweaked, but all the rest of the plan is good to go. On the whole, the result is favorable to Texas Republicans. Now, back to the law. The rest of the decision is about the application of the Equal Protection Clause to political gerrymandering. The very idea may well seem daft, because it potentially envisions the Supreme Court using the EP Clause to adjust party balances in political outcomes.* No wonder the case in which the Court first held that political gerrymandering is justiciable, Davis v. Bandemer, did not produce agreement on what standard to use in this newly-opened territory for EP jurisprudence. Today, Scalia and Thomas, in partial concurrence & partial dissent, say flat-out that political gerrymandering should be held to be a non-justiciable "political question," and they criticize the majority rather sternly for neither doing so nor, on the contrary, laying down a test, so that states can know if their district lines violate EP or not. The middle course -- maintaining the gerrymandering is justiciable but holding that plaintiffs have not made out a case of it here, while giving not the remotest hint of what such a case would look like -- is, say our heroes, "not an available disposition of this appeal." Roberts and Alito do not join Scalia and Thomas in calling for the overruling of Bandemer right now, but they leave the door open do it, noting that this issue "has not been argued in these cases." Even Kennedy, writing the controlling opinion, appears at any rate disinclined to entrench EP-based judicial control of gerrymandering any further: In Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U. S. 109 (1986) , the Court held that an equal protection challenge to a political gerrymander presents a justiciable case or controversy, but there was disagreement over what substantive standard to apply. That disagreement persists. A plurality of the Court in Vieth v. Jubelirer would have held such challenges to be nonjusticiable political questions, but a majority declined to do so. We do not revisit the justiciability holding but do proceed to examine whether appellants’ claims offer the Court a manageable, reliable measure of fairness for determining whether a partisan gerrymander violates the Constitution. [Internal cites omitted.]The conclusion is that they do not, but no guidance is given on how they could. Why not? That looks like a job for Obvious Man: no one EP standard for gerrymandering would command five votes on this Court. Reason enough, I think Scalia would say, to pull out of EP review of gerrymandering altogether. Indeed, he is charitable enough to note that Kennedy's opinion here "ably demonstrates" the perpetual elusiveness of a "judicially discernable standard" for such claims. So I think that in a case where the issue is raised and briefed, a majority now exists to overrule Brandemer. *Some would say that happened in Bush v. Gore, but the majority holding there was driven by vote-dilution concerns filtered through the Court's one-person-one-vote EP cases, not by political gerrymandering concerns. :: David M. Wagner 12:10 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:27 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:19 AM [+] :: ... Justices Thomas and Scalia, concurring, stuck to their free-political-speech guns, as they did in dissent in the Shrink Missouri case. Justice Alito did not go that far, but didn't shut the door to it. Justice Kennedy, also concurring, placed himself in contemplative isolation. ("Viewed within the legal universe we have ratified and helped create, the result the plurality reaches is correct; given my own skepticism regarding that system and its operation, however, it seems to me appropriate to concur only in the judgment.") The controlling opinion, by Justice Breyer, had little to do with the First Amendment. Excellent posts at SCOTUS Blog here and (on the question of the Chief's role) at Election Law Blog here. :: David M. Wagner 6:40 PM [+] :: ... Kansas v. Marsh, in which the Court, 5-4, upheld Kansas's death penalty. Justice Thomas wrote the opinion of the Court. Justice Scalia's concurrence is something in the nature of a Brandeis brief, because it responds to an anti-death-penalty Brandeis brief in the form of Justice Souter's dissent. (A Catholic blogger comments here.) Scalia's justification for Brandeising here is that when dodgy research (as he believes the research cited by the Souter dissent to be) is cited in a Supreme Court opinion, even a dissent, it's there in the U.S. Reports to be cited by others with the mantle of at least some degree of Supreme Court authority. ("Look! Not only does this research say thus-and-such, but four Supreme Court Justices and their super-smart clerks thought it was solid enough to cite!") So it's not a matter of "He started it," it's a matter of evening out the playing field. U.S. v. Gonzalez-Lopez: Opinion for the Court by Justice Scalia. Held: it is reversible error to deny a criminal defendant the retained counsel of his choice, and such error cannot be harmless. This opinion continues Justice Scalia's crusade for a literal reading of the Sixth Amendment, that is, his crusade against the tendency to throw all he specific Sixth Am. rights into a general pot marked "fair trial" and then uphold brazen denials of those rights as long as the trial was "fair." Past landmarks of this crusade have been his opinion for the Court in Coy v. Iowa, and his dissent (one of his angriest) in Maryland v. Craig.* In those cases, as in this, he was joined by the Court's "liberals," and the "conservatives" were against him. The "conservatives" are wrong. Justice Alito, in dissent, matched literalism with literalism and read the Sixth Am. right to "assistance of counsel" as focusing above all on "assistance," with choice of counsel being, if not minor, then at least sufficiently secondary to be subject to harmless-error analysis. This is consistent with the Strickland line of cases on "effective assistance of counsel," which assume that ineffective assistance is no assistance at all. But the words "of counsel" are also in the text, and while we'd have to look at Founding-era usages of this expression to be sure, they seem to imply respect for defendant's choice. "Assistance of an attorney" would mean any competent attorney would do. "Assistance of counsel" implies that it's someone from the defendant's existing "stable" or "team," if such a person can be found. (Book we need to finish/re-read: John Langbein, The Origins of the Adversary Criminal Trial.) * "In the last analysis, however, this debate is not an appropriate one. I have no need to defend the value of confrontation, because the Court has no authority to question it." :: David M. Wagner 1:56 PM [+] :: ... I suppose it would be available to the West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals, on remand, simply to reaffirm its judgment without further elaboration. Or it could instead enter into a full discussion of the Brady issue, producing either a reaffirmance or a revision of its judgment. The latter course will of course encourage and stimulate our new “GVR- in- light- of- nothing” jurisprudence. Verb. sap."Verb. sap."? Verbum sapientii? :: David M. Wagner 3:12 PM [+] :: ... * Terrence Boyle may finall get a vote. (North Carolina federal district judge, up for promotion to the 4th Circuit, and in line for most-often-renominated at the next Robies) * Underneath Their Robes: Scalia on clothes, and on cars. And a link to me! * The Court decided Garcetti v. Ceballos, holding that the First Amendment is not violated when a government employee is disciplined as the result of something he wrote as part of his professional work-product. Critics are saying, oi, just what we need -- another category of unprotected speech. But the Kennedy opinion (5-4; Alito may have made the difference) points out the holding sought by plaintiff would have made meaningful evaluation and supervision of government employees impossible as long as the work-product involves anything spoken or written. That kind of judicial micro-management of government, no one needs, and the First Amendment does not compel. * The Court also decided House v. Bell: again, a Kennedy opinion (welcome to the "Kennedy Court"!), this time expanding the range of the Court's own de novo review of evidence in habeas cases where defendant seeks to revive a procedurally defaulted claim of "actual innocence" based on new evidence. The difference between the majority and the Roberts-led dissenters is over the degree of deference owed to the District Court's evaluation of the evidence. Mixed review. In capital cases one wants to think that mistakes, if any, by the District Court, even if upheld by the Court of Appeals, will be caught by the Supremes. OTOH, this comports ill with the deference always owed to triers of fact, on issues of fact, as this deference was explained in the applicable precedent, Schlup v. Delo. 'Tsall for now. :: David M. Wagner 1:11 PM [+] :: ... To make matters worse, the case, Petruska v. Gannon University, a Title VII "ministerial exception" case, was a 2-1 split decision (against applying the exception), so: even apart from the written opinion, does the outcome change? (Further thoughts from Howard here.) :: David M. Wagner 12:29 PM [+] :: ... If you merge into I-64 north/west bound, toward Richmond, Washington, and points north, starting at Regent University's highway entrance (exit 286), you will shortly see a billboard on your right that is frequently rented by our University. Years ago it showed a gaudy, Thomas-Kinkade-ish sunrise, the words "Get Your Graduate Degree at Regent" in large letters, and then, in smaller letters: "Well, you asked Him for a sign!" I liked that one a lot. Currently we are again using that billboard, this time for the Law School specifically, to showcase our recent ABA national moot court winners. There are pictures of Dean and Dannielle and others. (But why, I wonder, no picture of Liz? I mean really...!) :: David M. Wagner 11:18 AM [+] :: ... A new report by the Irish Human Rights Commission [advocacy website] released [press release] Friday has found that Ireland may be in breach of international human rights laws because the country does not currently recognize same-sex marriages [JURIST news archive]. :: David M. Wagner 11:05 AM [+] :: ... PowerLine scorns the theory that Judge Luttig was motivated by the Bush Administration's change of stance in the Padilla case. Sure, the buckets of money that Boeing no doubt offered must have been a factor. But the impact of the Padilla business can't be so quickly dismissed. Here Judge Luttig busted his buttresses to bring in a unanimous panel opinion upholding the President's power to declare an American citizen, arrested on American soil, to be an enemy combatant -- and then, faced with a cert petition and uncertainty about the outcome from Higher Authority*, the administration says, never mind, he's just a criminal after all, we can try him according to normal criminal procedures. The Administration will say it still insists on, and values, the principle of the Luttig panel opinion; it's just that the application of that principle to Padilla's case changed, in the judgment of those who must make such decisions. But Luttig might answer that his colleagues on the Fourth Circuit only joined the opinion because they bought the argument that treating Padilla as an enemy combatant was one of those, whatya call 'em, "compelling state interests." And now it's not something that need be done at all? As one who occasionally teaches Con Law II (including Equal Protection and substantive due process), I can appreciate that when the government claims a c.s.i., or any legal equivalent thereof, the interest in question had just better really be compelling, given what a c.s.i. finding amounts to -- a license to violate otherwise-applicable constitutional rights. I can't be sure what Luttig's motives were, but it's hard not to sympathize with his doctrinal position. * Here at Regent we know who "Higher Authority" really is, but in the U.S. Courts of Appeals, there is a tendency to refer in this fashion to the U.S. Supreme Court. :: David M. Wagner 10:51 AM [+] :: ... Banned in Boston: The coming conflict between same-sex marriage and religious liberty. by Maggie Gallagher The Weekly Standard, 05/15/2006, Volume 011, Issue 33 To get you started: Reading through these and the other scholars' papers, I noticed an odd feature. Generally speaking the scholars most opposed to gay marriage were somewhat less likely than others to foresee large conflicts ahead--perhaps because they tended to find it "inconceivable," as Doug Kmiec of Pepperdine law school put it, that "a successful analogy will be drawn in the public mind between irrational, and morally repugnant, racial discrimination and the rational, and at least morally debatable, differentiation of traditional and same-sex marriage." That's a key consideration. For if orientation is like race, then people who oppose gay marriage will be treated under law like bigots who opposed interracial marriage. Sure, we don't arrest people for being racists, but the law does intervene in powerful ways to punish and discourage racial discrimination, not only by government but also by private entities. Doug Laycock, a religious liberty expert at the University of Texas law school, similarly told me we are a "long way" from equating orientation with race in the law.Emphasis added. For my latest $0.02 on the orientation/race analagy, see David M. Wagner, Marriage and Banking: Examining Miscegenation Laws to Test the Proposition that Loving v. Virginia Leads to Goodridge v. Department of Public Health, 7 Fl.Coastal L.Rev. 389 (2005). :: David M. Wagner 1:46 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 6:09 PM [+] :: ... We mean Bobby, not Anthony -- I mean, be reasonable. Our law school is holding a discussion next Tuesday evening, April 25, at 6:30 in the Moot Court Room, on Michael Knox Beran's book on Bobby, The Last Patrician. The claim: Bobby was actually a critic of big government. Provoked? Ted, you there? Come on over! :: David M. Wagner 9:57 PM [+] :: ... Yesterday, the Supreme Court issued a summary opinion -- granting cert and remanding in one brief, per curiam opinion -- in Gonzalez v. Thomas. It's a refugee case, and I wish the Thomases all the best. Legally, I think this opinion marginally strengthens the Chevron principle, since it slams the Ninth Circus, 409 F. 3d 1177 (2005), for prematurely deciding the ultimate issue in the case, without remanding for the agency to take another whack at it. Chevron, likewise, contained language deploring the tendency of the Courts of Appeal to issue binding statutory interpretations where Congress has assigned interpretive authority to an agency. On the minus side, there's a glancing reference to agency "expertise," which to my nostrils points more in a Skidmore/Mead direction. :: David M. Wagner 7:38 PM [+] :: ... I'll let our Associate Dean give you the news. Here's his e-mail about it; I've highlighted the names of our many winners. Once again, I begin this email by praising God for his blessing. He gets the glory for our successes!I'd like to add a personal note of congratulations to Dannielle, who did an independent study with me; to Dean, with whom I worked on the Law Review; and to Liz, who was for a while my research assistant and pulled together an awful lot of early cases on parents and schooling! :: David M. Wagner 7:25 PM [+] :: ... In last Sunday's Wizard of Id cartoon, the "Padre" (a Franciscan, it seems) tries to get the king to come to church. KING: What for? PADRE: It's Easter. KING: We're having a big egg hunt at the palace. PADRE: Why? You ran out of big eggs? Well, the king does go to church, see, but he kind of makes a mockery of it by wearing a bunny suit. So the Padre goes to the egg hunt -- carrying a big ol' gun. :: David M. Wagner 7:20 PM [+] :: ... That Judge Bryan is really a crazy clown. When will he learn that there’s larceny goin’ down? Woad Runner, Woad Runner, where have you gone to sulk? If not intent, then we’ll get you for breaking bulk. Woad Runner The Sheriff is after you Woad Runner If it’s larceny you’re through! Woad Runner, Woad Runner, did he have possession? Yes! So then no larceny – no, take another guess. Woad Runner, Woad Runner never burgles anyone -- Just rummaging through stuff is his idea of having fun! Woad Runner The Sheriff is after you Woad Runner If it’s larceny you’re through :: David M. Wagner 8:07 PM [+] :: ... Mason began as an extension of the University of Virginia in 1957 and became independent 15 years later. Such relative youth is a clear advantage. The school came into its own after the 1960s generation passed through the halls of higher education. Student protest, and the effort to appease it, never became part of its culture. :: David M. Wagner 12:21 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:59 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 12:59 PM [+] :: ... To the Editor: :: David M. Wagner 12:51 PM [+] :: ... According to The Washington Post: Scalia reportedly said it was "crazy" to suggest that combatants captured fighting the United States should receive a "full jury trial," and dismissed suggestions that the Geneva Conventions might apply to detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.In his dissent in Rasul v. Bush, Justice Scalia wrote: Today’s opinion, and today’s opinion alone, overrules Eisentrager; today’s opinion, and today’s opinion alone, extends the habeas statute, for the first time, to aliens held beyond the sovereign territory of the United States and beyond the territorial jurisdiction of its courts. No reasons are given for this result; no acknowledgment of its consequences made. By spurious reliance on Braden the Court evades explaining why stare decisis can be disregarded, and why Eisentrager was wrong. Normally, we consider the interests of those who have relied on our decisions. Today, the Court springs a trap on the Executive, subjecting Guantanamo Bay to the oversight of the federal courts even though it has never before been thought to be within their jurisdiction–and thus making it a foolish place to have housed alien wartime detainees.The Freiburg remarks are hardly a surprise. Nor are they are comment on the Hamdan case as such, as his Knights of Columbus remarks a few years back were a comment on the Newdow case. :: David M. Wagner 9:45 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 7:19 PM [+] :: ... There is nothing new or surprising in the proposition that our unchanging Constitution refers to other bodies of law that might themselves change. The Fifth Amendment provides, for instance, that “private property” shall not “be taken for public use, without just compensation”; but it does not purport to define property rights. We have consistently held that “the existence of a property interest is determined by reference to ‘existing rules or understandings that stem from an independent source such as state law.’ ”.... This reference to changeable law presents no problem for the originalist. No one supposes that the meaning of the Constitution changes as States expand and contract property rights. If it is indeed true, therefore, that a wife in 1791 could not authorize the search of her husband’s house, the fact that current property law provides otherwise is no more troublesome for the originalist than the well established fact that a State must compensate its takings of even those property rights that did not exist at the time of the Founding.... :: David M. Wagner 11:54 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:00 AM [+] :: ... I do enjoy the professoriat not quite understanding how they've ended up where they are. I mean, using federal funding to suck universities into conforming to a nationally-dictated agenda seemed like such a good idea from 1964 to 1994. Remember how cool it was when all those yahoo schools had to dump their wrestling teams and give thefunding to women's ultimate frisbee instead? Good times. :: David M. Wagner 2:40 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 1:14 PM [+] :: ... Good news: where the "compelling state interest" test applies, it actually requires a compelling state interest! This apparently obvious yet historically doubtful point seems to be the main lesson of Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficteuniao do Vegetal, in which Chief Justice Roberts, yet again, produced unanimity on a potentially controversial issue. (What on earth are we going to call this case? I'll go with "Centro Espirita" for now.) Roberts has also waved his unanimity wand in another abortion-related case, bringing to an end NOW's 20-year campaign to bankrupt Joe Scheidler and intimidate pro-life protestors with RICO treble damages. In another unanimous opinion, delivered by Justice Breyer, the Court says, nope, the whole thing was a mistake, because it turns out the Hobbs Act, on which NOW was relying as a predicate felony for its RICO suit, does not forbid violent conduct unrelated to extortion or robbery. Just about everybody got to deliver a unanimous opinion this week. (Unanimous meaning 8-0, because these cases were argued before Justice Alito was confirmed.) Justice Thomas did an antitrust opinion, something he had excelled in on the D.C. Circuit. Even the opinions with dissents produced atypical splits. Thomas dissented from a Scalia opinion on the applicability of federal arbitration rules to state proceedings, and from a Kennedy opinion on the Federal Tort Claims Act in which Scalia joined. Roberts several times joined the majority when only Scalia and Thomas were in dissent, but then, Rehnquist often did that too. Before anyone starts writing "strange new respect" op-eds, remember that Roberts joined the Scalia dissent in Gonzales v. Oregon, a decision that could conceivably have been rightly decided but was not rightly reasoned. (It was actually a nondelegation case, and as such, should have been an easy one for the U.S. under Whitman v. American Trucking.) :: David M. Wagner 12:03 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 1:53 PM [+] :: ... And the Left of course doesn't have a clue. ThinkProgress.com summarizes the speech as "The Constitution is dead, you idiot." Yes, and that's why you have constitutional rights. Under a "living Constitution," your rights could expand or contract, or even disappear (your right to confront witnesses against you in a criminal trial, for example), according to the whims of Justices discerning Holmes's "felt necessities of the times," or according to the whims of what you "democrats" dread most: political majorities, which, over time, tends to prevail in the Supreme Court when it isn't anchored to the Constitution. :: David M. Wagner 5:20 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:41 AM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:30 AM [+] :: ... Simply put, the existence of a parroting regulation does not change the fact that the question here is not the meaning of the regulation but the meaning of the statute. An agency does not acquire special authority to interpret its own words when, instead of using its expertise and experience to formulate a regulation, it has elected merely to paraphrase the statutory language. :: David M. Wagner 2:51 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 2:37 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 12:43 PM [+] :: ... I complimented Senator Reid for invoking Rule 21 and shutting down the Senate to compel Senator Pat Roberts and the Republican Senate establishment to stop dragging its feet on its investigation into the administration's use and potential abuse of WMD intelligence. Reid relished telling the tale of how it all unfolded. :: David M. Wagner 6:49 PM [+] :: ... We do not revisit our abortion precedents today, but rather address a question of remedy: If enforcing a statute that regulates access to abortion would be unconstitutional in medical emergencies, what is the appropriate judicial response? We hold that invalidating the statute entirely is not always necessary or justified, for lower courts may be able to render narrower declaratory and injunctive relief.And that's about it. Sounds like a victory for the Salerno facial/as applied distinction, but I'm not sure. Also sounds like this one will be back. Nothing else could have prevented separate concurrences, unless the new Chief wields a much sharper whip than his prededessor, on colleagues much older than himself. :: David M. Wagner 12:35 PM [+] :: ... As Justice Thomas notes in his separate dissent, the outcome here may be right if the outcome and reasoning in Raich are wrong, but not if Raich is right. :: David M. Wagner 4:25 PM [+] :: ... Does she think she's advancing the debate, or is this just political positioning, impressing the folks in Miami, staking a claim to be the next Bella Abzug, whatever? :: David M. Wagner 12:21 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:08 PM [+] :: ... It took less than a minute to say, but Leahy managed to claim that these six present and former federal judges are cowards and aggressive sycophants, and that Alito is the kind of guy who would use Supreme Court opinions to get even with former colleagues for criticizing him. It's so sleazy, I'm tempted to accuse Leahy of exploiting a stereotype about Italian-Americans. Sens. Sessions and Cornyn have called Leahy on this. Meanwhile, Sen. Durbin explicitly "associated" himself with Leahy's comments. EDITED TO ADD: Apparently Feingold was the first to float this puppy. :: David M. Wagner 4:55 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:25 PM [+] :: ... Duh, duh, and double duh. Alito got the answer right, but perhaps not the framework. He mentioned that he had listed his political donations but not his charitable donations, and trusted observers to understand the analogy. He is too confident in the intellectual honesty of his opponents. I suggest he put it this way: Senator, at the time I applied for that job, my resume was strong on the technical-legal side, but weak on the political side. As the job was a political one, this was a problem. Those looking at my record could see Princeton yadda yadda yadda, Yale Law yadda yadda yadda, law review yadda yadda yadda, clerkship yadda yadda yadda, but they wouldn't have any reason to think I supported the political platform of their Administration unless I gave them some reason to think so. That was why I listed every conservative association I could plausibly claim, rather than listing every organization I am or ever have been a member of. Do you see now, Senator? That application wasn't a xanga where the idea is to express everything most important to you. It was an occasion to compensate for a relative weakness in my resume, in pursuit of a job where that weakness was a potential problem. :: David M. Wagner 5:24 PM [+] :: ... With a "growing sense of inevitability" about Alito's confirmation (though, indeed, let's not get complacent), the Senators of the Left are probably just doing their command performances for their activist groups. Most of them need to keep those people happy for reelection, just as the Senators of the Right have to do for their groups. Reelection is never a serious concern for Kennedy (though Mitt Romney gave him a run for the money); in his case, it's probably true ideological fervor. Say, did you see where Kennedy is going to "write" a children's book about his imaginary pet Portuguese water-dog, named "Splash"? I. Am. Not. Making. This. Up. :: David M. Wagner 1:07 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 10:31 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 2:54 PM [+] :: ... The Democrats will light a fire under the great American racial divide and send Alito into the flames and, with him, kick off the 2006 Democratic campaign to recapture Congress from white sheeted Republicans....Democrat Senators are certainly picking up these themes. Quin adds: So far, the answers to the one-man, one vote issue have been highly academic, but far, far from being effective sound bites. WE MUST HAVE AN effective sound-bite. So far we don’t. The fact is that Alito’s views on the reapportionment cases are thoroughly respectable. But if we can’t explain in a sound bite why they are respectable, then we open the door to letting the Dems start ot add on their other “equality” issues to pound home the message Blanton warns about. :: David M. Wagner 1:22 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 12:45 PM [+] :: ... Both are leaning even more on the NSA issue than the "choice" issue. Clearly the "save Roe" issue is not going to carry it for the Democrats; it's doubtful that the safe-communications-for-terrorists issue will either. Specter seems to want it both ways: he wants an "independent" Court, yet he blasts the Court for criticizing Congress's reasoning in U.S. v. Morrison (Violence Against Women Act). Utterly independent of the President, utterly dependent on Congress -- that seems to be the kind of Justice a President should look for, according to Specter and Leahy. Leahy would add that the nominee should also be black, hispanic, or female, though he exonerated Alito of personal responsibility for not being any of these. :: David M. Wagner 12:25 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 12:24 PM [+] :: ... :: David M. Wagner 11:17 AM [+] :: ... "I am not sure his glasses fit his facial features. He might not wear the right color tie. He won't be tanned. He will look like he is from New Jersey, because he is." :: David M. Wagner 5:16 PM [+] :: ... Consider, for instance, the golden opportunity on Halloween this year when a light bulb in the courtroom's ceiling exploded during an argument. :: David M. Wagner 12:27 PM [+] :: ... |
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